BACK DOOR Newsletter on East
also: BD: National
Council of Timorese Resistance / Conselho Nacional de Resistencia Timorense
(CNRT) - A collection of recent speeches, statements, news and reports
8 November 1999
The National Council of Timorese Resistance
(CNRT) was established as the peak body of the East Timorese people's
resistance to the Indonesian occupation of East Timor. Its members are
drawn from all walks of life and political viewpoints, including the major
political parties. Now that Indonesia has left and the administration of
East Timor is being taken over by the UN Transitional Administration in
East Timor (UNTAET), CNRT is restructuring itself to play a new role. This
involves moving from opposition to proposition and the facilitation of
transition to self-government and independence, empowered and supported
by the UN.
It is important that international NGOs understand the history, outlook
and role of this unique East Timorese institution and the extraordinarily
difficult challenges those who comprise it now face thanks to the devastation
visited on East Timor by Indonesia’s destructive exit plan.
CNRT’s current life span will be short and will be limited to this
period of transition at the end of which political parties will return
to centre stage and CNRT will be replaced by a democratically elected government.
In the meantime, however, the pro-independence vote has given CNRT a clear
political and moral responsibility to determine East Timor’s development
at this critical juncture, in close dialogue and cooperation with other
sectors of East Timorese society, including NGOs, students and the church.
Those recently charged with responsibility by CNRT, whose names are listed
in this report, deserve to be given all the space, resources and support
they need to carry out their heavy and daunting responsibilities and to
enable them to do this in the CNRT spirit of inclusiveness, participation
and commitment to the common good.
C. Current composition and roles
Appendix I: Timorese members of the World Bank
Joint Assessment Mission
Appendix II: Political parties
CNRT is the acronym for Concelho Nacional da Resistancia Timorense
or National Council of Timorese Resistance. Though the word East is missing,
this should not be interpreted to mean that CNRT has pan-Timor objectives.
CNRT only represents the people of East Timor (which includes the islands
of Atauro and Jaco and the enclave of Oecusse in West Timor).
CNRT was formally established at a Convention of 200 East Timorese delegates
held in Portugal in April 1998. Though by political necessity held outside
East Timor and without the presence of gaoled East Timorese leader, Xanana
Gusmao, this was the first broadly representative gathering of East Timorese
nationalists since 1975. Some delegates from inside East Timor were present
and all Convention decisions were submitted to the resistance inside East
Timor for ratification. It was also distinguished by its inclusiveness
(all parties, groups and persuasions were represented), its democratic
character (both conference delegates and office bearers were elected) and
its timing (it was held on the eve of the Suharto resignation). The Convention
was a significant step in overcoming internal divisions and strengthening
both the unity and purpose of the nationalist cause and international confidence
in its capacity.
Key Convention outcomes included:
changing the organisation’s name to CNRT. Its predecessor CNRM, the National
Council of Maubere Resistance (Concelho Nacional da Resistancia Maubere),
was formed in 1987. The word ‘Maubere’ - a Tetum word for ordinary people
chosen by Fretilin to describe the East Timorese people - was dropped in
favour of the more inclusive and less politically contentious ‘Timorese’.
adoption of the Statutes of the CNRT after the various resistance movements
finally reached agreement on the text.
endorsement of Xanana Gusmao as President of CNRT. This was particularly
significant in that the Timorese Democratic Union (UDT) shifted from simply
recognising Gusmao, once leader of the rival Fretilin party, as a ‘symbol
of the resistance’ to acknowledging him as ‘supreme leader’ (lider maximo).
Jose Ramos Horta, also once a Fretilin leader, was appointed CNRT Vice-President.
adoption of a new national CNRT flag (used by UNAMET to symbolise the independence
option in the 30 August ballot).
appointment of an 8 member leadership group or National Political Commission,
comprising Xanana Gusmao, Jose Ramos Horta, Joao Carrascalao, Fr Francisco
Fernandes, Mari Alkatiri, Ana Pessoa, Alberto Araujo and Domingos Oliveira.
(See below for recent changes to this group).
appointment of the following CNRT representatives inside East Timor: David
Ximenes (CNRT Vice-President inside East Timor), Taur Matan Ruak, Abel
da Costa Belo, Joao Fernandes Alves, Leao dos Reis Amaral, Lucas da Costa,
Paulo Freitas da Silva, Franciso Lopes de Carvalho, Leandro Isaac, Lu’Olo,
Manuel Viegas Carrascalao. These names were made public in East Timor at
a swearing-in ceremony held at the Caritas office in Dili on 9 September
adoption of a Charter (‘Magna Carta’) of the Freedoms, Rights, Duties and
Guarantees for the People of East Timor. The Charter, inter alia, commits
a future independent East Timor to uphold the principal UN human rights
instruments, the building of a pluralist and democratic East Timor, respect
for the environment, adoption of Portuguese as the ‘official language’,
active relations with other Portuguese speaking nations, and support for
ASEAN, APEC and the South Pacific Forum.
CNRT is a product of East Timor’s political struggle for independence.
It represents the culmination of a search, literally through trial and
error, for the vehicle, ideology and strategy best suited to advance the
nationalist agenda and has evolved from earlier structures which have been
progressively modified or jettisoned in response to changing circumstances
and factional struggles. The acronyms tell the story: from Fretilin to
CRRN, to CNRM, and finally CNRT. In summary, CNRT represents a rejection
of party politics in favour of an inclusive, pluralist system based on
the need to build national unity and engage all sections of East Timorese
society in the common cause of national liberation (and now reconstruction).
The following time chart demonstrates the origins and political evolution
1979-1981: period of crisis following Indonesia’s virtual military annihilation
of the East Timorese armed resistance and separation of the people from
the guerillas. Xanana Gusmao and colleagues travel across East Timor consulting
on future strategies.
1981: beginnings of ‘perestroika’. A National Conference leads to the creation
of the National Council of Revolutionary Resistance (CRRN). Fretilin remains
dominant. A Marxist-Leninist Fretilin Party is created leading to internal
struggle. Xanana is elected Political Commissar, President of CRRN and
Commander of Falintil.
1983: Xanana negotiates a 6 months ceasefire with Indonesia and uses the
time to move freely around the country debating future options, including
pluralism and a multi-party system. A National Unity Policy is launched
in which the role of all nationalists (including the emerging student movement)
is recognised, and policy of ‘negotiations no and never’ is abandoned.
By 1984 the Marxist Leninist Fretilin Party was formally extinct.
1987: establishment of CNRM (National Council of Maubere Resistance). Xanana
resigns from Fretilin and declares the end of the politics of ‘party ID
cards’ in favour of national unity or ‘non-partisanship’ (apartidarismo).
Fretilin rescinds its claim to be sole legitimate representative of the
East Timorese people. External Fretilin is made accountable to Fretilin
in East Timor. FALINTIL (Armed Forces for the National Liberation of East
Timor, Forcas Armadas de Libertacao Nacional de Timor-Leste) is formally
declared non-partisan, ending an association with Fretilin since 1975 when
its first act was to implement a Fretilin counter-coup against UDT. The
nationalist term ‘Maubere’ replaces the left ideological ‘Revolutionary’,
ending the idea of a single revolutionary front.
1992: CNRM Special Representative, Jose Ramos Horta, presents peace plan
to the European Parliament.
1998: establishment of CNRT at Convention in Portugal (see above).
August 1999: CNRT name and flag used by UNAMET on 30 August ballot paper
to represent the independence option which was supported by 78.5% of voters.
October 1999: CNRT is restructured in Darwin to meet the new situation
arising out of the destruction of East Timor, introduction of INTERFET
and withdrawal of Indonesia.
C. CURRENT COMPOSITION AND ROLES
Following consultations in Darwin, 16-21 October 1999, CNRT announced the
formation of the following bodies.
1. Transitional Council
The Transitional Council will be the central CNRT body for the transition
period to independence, expected to last 2-3 years, and principal CNRT
dialogue partner with UNTAET. Premises for the Transitional Council are
being equipped in Aileu.
Xanana Gusmao (President)
Taur Matan Ruak (Falintil Commander)
Jose Ramos Horta (Vice-President)
2. National Emergency Commission
CNRT recognises its obligation to assist the people during this time of
emergency and that this assistance will contribute to the enhancement of
public trust in the CNRT leadership. The Commission (NEC) will be responsible
for CNRT policy and activity in respect of the current emergency - both
humanitarian and rehabilitation of infrastructure. It will endeavour to
empower the people to respond to this emergency and minimise dependency.
It is planned that the NEC will be serviced by a Secretariat based in Dili
with regional offices in several parts of East Timor.
Agio Pereira (General Coordinator)
In East Timor
Maria Domingas Alves (Mikato)
Mariano Sabino Lopes
Darwin - Alfredo Borges Ferreira, Gloria Castro Hall
Victoria, SA, Tas - Abel Guterres
Perth - Domingos Oliveira
NSW - Kim Gago, Joana Ximenes
Qld - Jose Teixeira.
3. Research and Planning Commission (CRP)
This body will coordinate policy research and planning in the following
sectors and advise the Transitional Council. Membership is still to be
Judicial/legal affairs (Manuel Tilman)
International affairs (Constancio Pinto)
Finance, Economy and Development (Lucas da Costa) Education, Youth,
and Media (Mar Kairos and Domingos de Sousa)
Environment and Tourism (Luis Cardoso)
Health and Social Affairs (Jose Soares)
Public Administration (Faustino Gomes)
Home Office, Security and Defence (Xanana Gusmao and Taur Matan Ruak)
Specialist groups will assist each sector building on the work of the
Strategic Planning Conference held in Melbourne, April 1999.
4. Public Service Committee
This Committee will take responsibility for the recruitment and training
of East Timorese for public service, including the provision of East Timorese
Domingos Oliveira (rest of Australia)
Julio Alfaro (Macau)
Emilia Pires (Melbourne and Sydney)
Alberto Araujo (Portugal/Africa)
Mariano Sabino Lopes (East Timor)
5. Team to elaborate on National Development Policy
Lucas da Costa
6. Office of the CNRT President
The office for the CNRT President is being established in Dili by Joao
Goncalves. CNRT will also have an office in Baucau.
Rocque Rodrigues (Chief of Staff)
Ines Almeida (Media relations)
Other staff are to be appointed.
7. CNRT National Secretary
8. Foreign Affairs Commission
Jose Ramos Horta will continue in his role as CNRT roving ambassador and
is expected to appoint several in country CNRT representatives by December,
including in Australia.
9. Gender Equity Committee
This body will ensure compliance with the commitment of the CNRT Magna
Carta to uphold the rights of women. Membership is not yet confirmed.
Maria Domingos Alves (Micato)
Antero Benedito da Silva
Fr Jovito do Rego
10. Procurement Committee
This Committee will seek out, advise and monitor international investment
for East Timor and advise on the medium and long term impact of investment
in all sectors:
Emilia Pires (administration)
Ana Pessoa Pinto (legal)
Mario Carrascalao (responsible for seeking overseas commercial investment,
especially in Europe)
Note: according to media reports, some 4000 companies are queuing to
share in rebuilding projects in East Timor, 2600 of them American. 90 Australian
companies are reported to have registered on the UN procurement site.
11. CNRT Representative in Portugal
The following broad policy positions have been gleaned from speeches,
press reports and miscellaneous documents. The situation remains fluid
and these policy formulations should not be regarded as necessarily definitive.
Attitudes to Indonesia, for example, have been significantly affected by
the post-ballot rampage and destruction. Ultimately all policies will be
refined and decided through the electoral political process.
CNRT is neither a political party nor an interim Government. Xanana Gusmao
has made it clear that Government can only be formed on the basis of democratic
elections. He has also firmly insisted that political parties must put
their ambitions and activities on hold for the foreseeable future particularly
during the next 12 months which he has declared the Year of Emergency.
CNRT, however, is clearly committed to a pluralist, multi-party, democratic
system based on the rule of law and separation of State and religion. In
the Dare talks process, CNRT also offered power-sharing to the pro-integration
side provided interested parties were not responsible for serious violations
of human rights.
Name and political structure
Republic of Timor Loro Sa'e (Tetum for sun in the east)
The Magna Carta adopted in 1998 commits CNRT to uphold all internationally
agreed human rights, including basic freedoms of association and expression,
freedom of belief and social, economic and cultural rights. The right to
ownership of land and goods legally acquired in East Timor by groups or
individuals, nationals or foreigners, will be upheld.
Customary law The Magna Carta commits CNRT to 'the elevation of customary
rules of law as the basis for future East Timorese laws, so that a proper
framework can be provided for traditional values within the new legal systeam
and new organisations of the State of East Timor'. Jose Ramos Horta favours
a Fijian style Constitution which allows the Great Council of Chiefs an
important advisory function. Xanana Gusmao is said to be reluctant to promote
the revival of the liurais (petty kings) in case it revives rivalries between
the tribes of East Timor's 13 districts.
CNRT is committed to encouraging the creation of a strong civil society
and NGOs, including a union movement, with an active role in the life of
Reconciliation has been declared a top priority. On many occasions and
most notably in his speech before the August ballot, Xanana Gusmao has
emphasised that reconciliation is fundamental to East Timor’s development
and national unity and stability, that all East Timorese have a contribution
to make, and that forgiveness is necessary including for those who have
committed the most reprehensible acts. In his speech on the eve of the
August Popular Consultation (therefore before the post-ballot rampage),
Gusmao stated that ‘for reconciliation to become effective, we will proclaim
general amnesty for all political crimes committed until now’.
CNRT statements have focussed on three key relationships:
membership of the Community of Portuguese-Speaking Countries (CPLP);
integration into the region through support for ASEAN, APEC and particularly
the South Pacific Forum membership of which will be a priority sponsored,
hopefully, by Australia;
and reconciliation with Indonesia whose new President, Abdurrahman Wahid,
Xanana Gusmao is expected to visit soon. Gusmao is not known to have identified
with other independence movements in Indonesia such as Free Aceh and OPM,
though he shared political imprisonment with some of their representatives
and the CNRT Magna Carta supports the rights of peoples to self-determination.
Xanana Gusmao recently expressed solidarity with Aung Sang Suu Kyi of Burma
and expressed a wish for East Timor to join the UN. In his October speech
in Melbourne, Gusmao highlighted the ‘special relationship between Australia
and East Timor’.
The Magna Carta accepts Portuguese as the official language of East Timor.
Tetum will be the national language. Jose Ramos Horta has said English
will be taught at school from primary level, but there will be no place
for Bahasa Indonesia. Xanana Gusmao and Timorese graduates of Indonesian
universities have said the teaching of Indonesian should be maintained
and that there should be multifaceted cooperation with Indonesia.
East Timor will develop a modern market economy with a role for an East
Timorese private sector and foreign investment, building on East Timor’s
geographical location at the confluence of commercial routes between Asia
and Oceania. The State will intervene where necessary to ensure equity,
transparency and efficiency and to create special economic zones. Rural
development will be prioritised with the objective of developing existing
products such as rice, coffee, livestock and coconut and diversifying the
rural economy on which 80% of East Timorese depend to make better use of
natural resources including forests, fisheries, minerals and tourist potential.
Mechanisms will be developed to combat corruption and promote transparency
in the management and accountability of funds provided by international
donors and institutions.
CNRT supports the use of the Portuguese escudo as the currency during the
transition period. It is considered that through Lisbon this may position
East Timor to use the Euro which, as one of the strongest currencies in
the world, would make East Timor attractive to Asian investors seeking
access to European markets.
The Magna Carta states that 'the protection of the environment is essential
to safeguard the survival of future generations' and commits 'an independent
East Timor (to) defend policies aiming at the proper management, development
and conservation of national resources'.
CNRT supports economic exploitation of the Timor Gap and the rights of
the existing Timor Gap contractors and the Australian Government to jointly
develop East Timor's offshore natural resources in cooperation with the
East Timorese people. Though not an urgent priority, the 1989 Timor Gap
Treaty between Australia and Indonesia will be reviewed to ensure East
Timor receives its full share of proceeds of natural gas and oil exploration.
Oil production from East Timor's offshore fields only commenced on 21 July
1998. East Timor claims the tax revenue currently being paid to Jakarta
by joint venture partners BHP, Santos, Petroz and Inpex Sahu from the Elang,
Kakatua and Kakatua North fields in the 'Zone of Cooperation'. Timor Sea
reserves are sometimes compared to the vast reserves of the North Sea or
Gulf of Mexico, but currently tax returns to Jakarta are said to be only
some $5 million annually. However, returns from natural gas in the Undan-Bayu
reservoir, which lies in the Zone of Cooperation and is scheduled to commence
in two years, are expected to dwarf those from the Elang and Kakatua fields
and yield an annual royalty of $40 million each to East Timor and Australia.
Indonesia has said it will transfer rights to East Timor. The new Ambassador
designate to Australia, Arizal Effendi, is an expert in international treaties.
CNRT has initiated a process of policy development and encouraged East
Timorese, NGO and foreign experts from a range of disciplines around the
world to contribute to this process. A meeting held in Algarve, Portugal,
in October 1998 brought together the CNRT political commission and East
Timorese professionals to establish general guidelines for a development
plan. This was further developed by working groups and individual researchers.
A Strategic Development Planning Conference held in Melbourne, 5-9 April
1999 generated many research papers and workshop outcomes on six key areas:
(2) Legal and judicial systems
(3) Economy, agriculture and tourism
(6) Infrastructure and environment.
Copies of these papers and a report of the Conference Results are available
from the East Timor Development Office, 124 Napier St, Fitzroy 3065, Australia.
Tel +61 3 9417 6711 Email: firstname.lastname@example.org
Now that most Indonesians have left East Timor, this is no longer a priority
policy issue. Xanana Gusmao has recognised the sensitivity of the issue
and given assurances that there would be no violence or expulsions and
that Indonesians would be permitted to remain in East Timor. At the same
time he has acknowledged that it would not be possible for Indonesian transmigrants
to occupy choice areas of East Timor if it disadvantaged his own people.
Both Xanana Gusmao and Jose Ramos Horta have stated that Timor Loro Sa'e
will not have a standing army. Aggression from militia camps in West Timor
and the need to provide a role for Falintil troops in an independent East
Timor may force a review of this position.
E. SOME PROFILES
Jose Alexandre 'Xanana' Gusmao, 53, the undisputed leader of the
new East Timor. According to his biographer, Sarah Niner, the middle syllable
of Alexandre, ‘Xan’ (pronounced ‘shan’) is the root of Xanana, a name he
adopted in the 1970s as a literary pseudonym. Gusmao was born 20 June 1946
in a poor family near Manatuto. His father was a schoolteacher. Gusmao
received early secondary education at the Catholic seminary in Dare but
left before completing the course. He did national service in the Portuguese
army and worked as a public servant and journalist/editor. He joined Fretilin
in 1974 and went with the guerilla resistance to the mountains when Indonesia
invaded in December 1975. His wife and two children stayed in Dili to be
eventually resettled in Melbourne. In 1981 he was elected Commander in
Chief of Falintil and began a radical rebuilding of the resistance movement
which culminated in the creation of CNRT which he now leads. He first came
to prominent international attention in 1989 after Australian lawyer Robert
Domm journeyed into the mountains of East Timor to photograph and interview
him. (The interview, in which Gusmao offered to negotiate without preconditions,
was published by ACFOA entitled ‘Keeping the Flame of Freedom Alive’).
He was captured on 20 November 1992 and sentenced to life imprisonment
(later commuted to 20 years). Nelson Mandela spent 2 hours with him in
Jakarta in July 1997. In February 1999, he was released from Cipinang prison
into house arrest with instructions from Indonesia to find a solution to
the issue. On 4 September he was fully released to the British Embassy
in Jakarta and returned to East Timor on 21 October. A poet and painter,
Xanana Gusmao has been widely praised by world leaders for his statesmanship.
His public criticism of pro-independence youth who demonstrated against
the militias in Dili in May is a reminder that he is also a tough leader
who insists on discipline. Gusmao’s blueprint for East Timor can be found
in his August message on the occasion of the Popular Consultation: Now
is the Time to Build the Future: Reconciliation, Unity and National Development
in the Framework of the Transition towards Independence.
Taur Matan Ruak, 43. Deputy Commander of Falintil under Xanana
Gusmao. He has spent almost the entire Indonesian occupation fighting in
the interior. He became Falintil field commander in 1998 following the
death of Konis Santana.
Jose Ramos Horta, 49, Vice President CNRT. Born 26 December 1949
in Dili from a Timorese mother and Portuguese father. A journalist, whom
the Portuguese authorities exiled to Mozambique for 2 years, 1970-2, for
his anti-colonial attitudes, Horta was a founder of ASDT (the Timorese
Social Democratic Association) – he still describes himself as a social
democrat – which preceded Fretilin. He was Fretilin Secretary but resigned
from the party in the1980s. He was dispatched abroad 3 days before the
Indonesian invasion to lobby the UN and became East Timor’s leading international
spokesperson, winning the Nobel Peace Prize with Bishop Belo in 1996. Four
of Horta’s eleven brothers and sisters have been killed by the Indonesian
military. His political autobiography is Funu: the Unfinished Saga of
East Timor (NY, Red Sea Press 1987). He founded the Diplomacy Training
Program and is a board member of the East Timor Human Rights Centre.
Carrascalao brothers. The Carrascalao brothers have significant
land holdings in East Timor and have played an important role in East Timor’s
politics. Joao Carrascalao led the UDT which fought Fretilin in a short
civil war in 1975 which provided Indonesia with an excuse to invade. Now
UDT President, he is an engineer of Portuguese stock on his father’s side
and has lived in Sydney since the late 1970s. His brother Mario Viegas
Carrascalao, 62, was a forestry engineer and administrator in Portuguese
times. A member of the Suharto Golkar party, he was the Indonesian appointed
Governor of East Timor from 1982-1992 when he won some respect for his
efforts to protect East Timorese interests, not least the promotion of
education for East Timorese (many of whom are the educated ‘coming people’
with good knowledge of and connections in Indonesia). He was later Indonesian
Ambassador in Bulgaria. Manuel, 68, the eldest brother, a member of the
provincial assembly under Portugal, made a late but decisive conversion
to the independence movement. His son was murdered by the militias this
year during an attack on his Dili home. With Mario, he is said to be a
part of Gusmao’s inner circle.
Mari Alkatiri. Vice-President of Fretilin, a former leader of
Dili’s Muslim community. Has lived abroad mainly in Mozambique during the
24 years of Indonesia’s occupation and is regarded as a confidant of Xanana
Avelino Coelho, Secretary-General of the new Socialist Party
Felicidade Guterres, appointed to the CNRT Transitional Council
in recognition of both her unsung contribution to the liberation struggle
inside East Timor and the role of women in a future independent East Timor.
Agio Pereira, 42, moved to Australia from Portugal where he was
studying when Indonesia invaded East Timor in 1975. A biologist and singer,
he became director of the Sydney-based East Timor Relief Association and
has travelled extensively including in the South Pacific.
Leandro Isaac, 44, was a member of UDT then the Indonesian provincial
parliament. In recent years he became chief coordinator of CNRT in East
Timor and was a target for assassination by the militias during the ballot
Emilia Pires, 39, the first East Timorese graduate of an Australian
University (La Trobe) and a former President of the Timorese Association
of Victoria and public servant in the Victorian Government. Politically
independent, she came to Australia as a refugee with her UDT associated
family in 1975. She has travelled extensively and attended the 1985 international
women’s conference in Nairobi. She co-organised a CNRT sponsored conference
in Melbourne in April 1999 which brought together East Timorese professionals
to work on future development planning for East Timor, following which
she established an East Timor Development Office in the ACFOA premises
in Melbourne. She recently worked in Jakarta after Xanana Gusmao invited
her to involve pro-integrationist East Timorese in development planning.
Ines de Almeida, media relations officer in the Office of the
CNRT President. She has lived most of her adult life in Sydney where she
worked as a state public servant and was an executive in the East Timor
Relief Association. She has travelled extensively and participated in the
1997 Beijing Women’s Conference. De Almeida participated in the UN sponsored
Intra-Timorese dialogue series in Austria and knows personally many of
the key figures on both sides of the political debate.
CNRT Dili Office
Chief of Staff: Rocque Rodriques
Media relations: Ines de Almeida
Joao Goncalves Mobile 040 987 9142
Others to be recruited
CNRT Darwin Office
Office 1, Level 7, Darwin Plaza Building,
Smith Street Mall
DARWIN NT 0800.
Tel (08) 8936 3011
Fax (08) 8936 3007
Office administrator: Emilia Pires (Mobile 040 987 9145). The office
will also serve as the CNRT Reconstruction Office. The office, which has
been provided by the NT Government on a short term basis, does not yet
have email and, in Emilia Pires absence, is staffed by volunteers.
Coordinator CNRT National Emergency Commission
c/- CPSU, 1st Floor
38 Wood Street
DARWIN NT 0800
Mobile 0417 26 511
Fax (08) 9881 5085
Other contacts in Darwin
Justino Guterres mobile 0401 020 460 Email: email@example.com
Alfredo Borges Ferreira mobile 0419 836 011
Palmyra Pires mobile 0410 41418 373
Gloria de Castro Hall (08) 8927 1956
Melbourne CNRT contacts Elizabeth Exposto, General Coordinator,
CNRT Victoria Mobile 041 609 7274 Abel Guterres, National Emergency Commission,
Mobile 041 243 3408
Now is the time to build the future. Message by Xanana Gusmao on
the occasion of the Popular Consultation. August 1999
Timor leaders plan a new sun in the east, Brian Woodley, The
Weekend Australian, July 10-11, 1999
Xanana's republic, Brian Woodley and David Nason, The Weekend
Australian, October 23-24, 1999
East Timor at the Crossroads: The Forging of a Nation, 1995.
Edited Peter Carey and G. Carter Bentley
A Long Journey of Resistance: The Origins of the National Council
of Timorese Resistance, Sarah Niner, Bulletin of Concerned Asian Scholars,
(to be published).
Timor: A People Betrayed, James Dunn 1996
The National Council of Maubere Resistance(CNRM): Overview of the
History of the Struggle of East Timor, Agio Pereira, August 1994.
Transcript of interview with Xanana Gusmao, Peter Mares, Radio
National, 17 February 1999.
Speech by Kay Rala Xanana Gusmao, Leonda Reception Centre, Melbourne,
11 October 1999.
May 10 Statement on discipline and unity. Xanana Gusmao CNRT
Magna Carta Concerning Freedoms, Rights, Duties and Guarantees for the
People of East Timor. Portugal 25 April 1998.
ETRA website: www.pactok.net.au/docs/et/cnrm.html
East Timorese members of World Bank Joint Assessment Mission
Joao Cancio Freitas
Filomena Lim Oliveira
JUSTICE Ana Pessoa
Aniceto Guterres Lopes
HEALTH Dr Sergio Lobo
EDUCATION Domingos Sousa
AGRICULTURE Jose Abel
Estanislau da Silva
MACROECONOMICS Joao Saldanha
Lucas da Costa
Fernanda Borges Nunes
Helder da Costa
Antonio B. Oliveira
Maria D. Alves
East Timorese political parties
The strong emphasis on national unity has pushed political parties into
the background and focussed the agenda on national liberation rather than
partisan issues. As a result little is known about the current policies
(if any), structures,
leadership, and ambitions of the parties, or their level of popular
support. Despite early power struggles and differing attitudes towards
Indonesia, the first five listed below - all of which were established
in 1974-5 - put aside their differences in recent times to openly support
self-determination and oppose Indonesia. PST is a recent addition.
Additions, amendments are most welcome: firstname.lastname@example.org
Apodeti: Popular Democratic Association of Timor (Associacao Popular
Democratica Timorese), small and originally pro-integration with Indonesia
but with local autonomy. President: Frederico Almeida Santos de Costa.
UDT: Timorese Democratic Union (Uniao Democratica Timorense), originally
anti-Fretilin, pro-self-determination and pro-Portuguese, Regional President:
Leandro Isaac. World President: Joao Carrascalao. UDT and Fretilin formed
a coalition for independence but UDT withdrew in May 1975. In August 1975
UDT mounted a coup d’etat which led to civil war which Fretilin won.
Fretilin: Revolutionary Front for an Independent East Timor (Frente
Revolucionaria de Timor-Leste Independente), anti-colonialist, radical
pro-independence. Representative in East Timor: David Dias Ximenes. Vice-President:
Kota: Sons of the Mountain Warrior Dogs (Klibur Oan Timur Aswain),small
traditional monarchist party promoting a return to the traditional liurai
system. President: Leao Petro dos Reis Amaral.
Trabalhista: small Labour party. President: Paulo Freitas de Silva.
PST: Socialist Party of Timor (Partai Socialista de Timor). Formed
in 1997, PST is Marxist in idelogy, has 300 members in East Timor, and
is not a member of CNRT or Fretilin. It wants the 1975 Democratic Republic
of East Timor (DRET) re-established and has close relations with the Indonesian
People's Democratic Party (PRD) and links to Australia's Democratic Socialist
Party. A key aim is to build bases in workers, farmers, youth, women and
Council of Timorese Resistance (CNRT)
The CNRT was established as the peak body
of the East Timorese people's resistance to the Indonesian occupation of
East Timor. Its members are drawn from all walks of life and political
viewpoints, including the major political parties. Now that Indonesia has
left and the administration of East Timor is being taken over by the UN
Transitional Administration in East Timor (UNTAET), CNRT is restructuring
itself to play a new role. This involves moving from opposition to proposition
and the facilitation of transition to self-government and independence.
Council for Overseas Aid
ACFOA is the peak body of the Australian
Aid and Development Non-Government Organisations (NGOs). It provides membership
services, eg. training, and it develops policy and advocacy related to
development issues. Members adhere to a Code of Conduct
ACFOA has various working groups who are
part of its policy/advocacy activities. The East
Timor WG meets now every two months to share information on East Timor,
build up strategies to campaign and lobby governments in matters such as
the refugees in West Timor, to liaise with AusAID, the ET
NGO Forum [101k](a similar organisation to ACFOA in East Timor), etc.
National Council of Timorese Resistance / Conselho Nacional de Resistencia
Timorense (CNRT) - A collection of recent speeches, statements, news and
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